Sept. 5, 1996 was a day of chaos for employees at the Canal Refinery in Church Point when armed federal agents barged into the facility, threw files onto the floor — and prohibited female employees from using the restroom or making arrangements for their children to be picked up from daycare.
It's been almost 15 years since that Swat Team — commissioned by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency — spent hours rummaging the Church Point refinery in search of hazardous waste. And though no hazardous waste was ever found, Hubert Vidrine of Opelousas, Canal's former manager, was still facing the issue in federal court as recently as June.
The "hazardous waste" the EPA was in search of more than a decade ago reportedly had been spotted the day before when State Police stopped a truck that was delivering materials to Canal. Field tests showed the materials were questionable, which prompted the EPA to send samples to a laboratory for actual testing.
But the investigating agent failed to disclose that a lab test was pending, and based on the opinion of another EPA employee, the EPA had reason to believe the materials were in violation of federal environmental statutes.
According to the civil lawsuit Vidrine has since filed against the U.S. government, "subsequent lab reports did not show that Tank 402 contained hazardous waste ... For the following three years, no charges were filed against Canal or any employee of Canal based upon the evidence obtained."
It was also during those three years that one EPA technical expert turned criminal investigator, Keith Phillips, received a tip from a "source" that Vidrine, through his private petroleum brokering side business, knowingly bought materials that exceeded the regulatory threshold for contaminants.
The "source," Mike Franklin, was a former business associate of Vidrine's who told agents that he obtained a lab report on these materials and warned Vidrine about the "bad stuff" before Vidrine purchased the hazardous waste from another private broker, according to court filings.
But what no government agent told the grand jury when it convened to decide whether Vidrine would be indicted was that Franklin had never actually produced any lab report to support his story. Nor had the government.
The grand jury also never learned that Franklin had a long history of cocaine use, three drug arrests on his record and federal tax liens worth almost $100,000.
Six months after Vidrine was indicted on federal felony environmental charges that could have brought Vidrine to prison for up to five years and imposed millions of dollars in fines, the federal prosecutor on the case told Vidrine's defense attorney that the government still didn't have the "hot" lab report that was necessary to implicate Vidrine.
And two years later, after U.S. District Judge Tucker Melancon barred the government from going to trial without that report and the federal appeals court wouldn't even hear the government's appeal on Melancon's decision, the prosecution persisted.
Court filings say the government went so far as to hypnotize Franklin in an effort to spur his memory of where to find the lab report that tied Vidrine to a truck load of contaminants, a truck that was never proven to have existed.
"In this case, they had no evidence that Mr. Vidrine did anything that harmed anyone — not intentionally, not negligently, or even innocently," Vidrine's lawsuit states.
Throughout the entire investigation, Agent Phillips and FBI agent Ekko Barnhill, who were jointly investigating the case, were having a sexual relationship, according to court filings, one that gave Phillips a reason for needing to travel from Dallas to Lafayette as often as he did.
The United States government eventually dismissed the indictment against Vidrine in September 2003, the night before the trial was set to start and seven years after the raid on Canal took place.
Vidrine waited another seven years to sue the government for lost income, lost earning capacity, legal costs to defend prosecution, damage to he and his wife's reputations, emotional distress, humiliation and loss of consortium.
His side job as a petroleum broker was growing quickly when the investigation began, he claims, but ceased almost immediately after his name became associated with "bad stuff."
U.S. District Judge Rebecca Doherty presided over the civil lawsuit in June. An employee in Doherty's office said Friday that there is no timeline on when a verdict could be released.
Vidrine's fight to recoup more than $5 million from the feds is another example of how even one slip-up from the federal government can have far-reaching effects on residents in Acadiana. And though the nature of Vidrine's case is different than the indictments exposed in The Independent's cover story, "CONVICTed," the civil cases that have followed the indictments show that the federal government's actions here at home potentially cost taxpayers millions of dollars in resources to prosecute — and millions to defend the when they're challenged.
MAY 24 Blogger Robert Mann posts this entry about the Baton Rouge Chamber's recent report on Louisiana's higher education system. It's critical to economic development, and yet our system is facing a "funding crisis" with no way to resolve it, the report says. The Chamber says control of tuition and fees must be returned to the higher ed governing boards.
MAY 24 Here's a NBC33 story about Tyrann Mathieu. He has signed with the Arizona Cardinals, inking a $3 million, four-year deal. He gets a signing bonus of $265K, but gets another, larger bonus if he doesn't get cut from the team for doing drugs. The deal reportedly includes mandatory tests and meetings for the player.
MAY 24 Jarvis DeBerry posts here about the redonkulus rhetoric that would have us believe NOLA is a safe city with a murder problem. Maybe the city's crime stats don't compare with its murder stats because you can't manipulate a murder, he says: a dead body's a dead body. It just doesn't make sense, he says, and his readers agree: a poll asks if they believe the city is safe, and more than 90 percent say no.
MAY 24 Jindal administration officials announced Thursday that the privatization of public health care is going to cost a lot more than they budgeted for, the Advocate reports here. "I'm so surprised," said no one. Anywhere. The cost they're projecting now is more than $1 billion - a lot more than the $626 million budgeted for it. And, it's more than it cost the state to operate those hospitals. So why are we doing this again?
MAY 24 Blogger CB Forgotston ridicules the recent PR campaign by the state GOP in the wake of a legislative auditor's request to both major parties. The GOP (apparently unaware that the Dems got the same request) started yammering about being targeted because it had "killed" a tax increase. CB finds that laughable, but it's also pretty funny that the GOP was comparing this episode to the IRS scandal (Because the President has so much to do with our state auditor. Right?).
MAY 24 Politico details some recent fund-raising efforts by Sen. David Vitter, which have raised the question of his future political plans. This time, it is a $5,000 per head "bayou weekend" that includes "Cajun cooking" and an all-caps "alligator hunt," the story reports. Funds raised go to a super PAC that can spend money to support Vitter in federal or state races, the story points out.
MAY 24 The pink building on Royal in the quarter was sold at a sheriff's sale Thursday, this Picayune story reports. An injunction that would have halted the sale wasn't enforced because the family failed to post a $150,000 bond, the story reports. So the owner of the mortgages on the building bought it, for nearly $7 million. Now the feuding family will have to negotiate with that company to get a lease on the building that has housed their business for close to 60 years.
MAY 23 This post in Louisiana Voice tells us about a bill by a Winnsboro lege that would require all public high school students to take at least one Course Choice online class in order to graduate. (What?) Blogger Tom Aswell says it's a monument to "waste and corruption," especially in light of the problems he's exposed with the program in recent weeks. Idaho had a similar program, but voters removed it by a 2-1 margin, Aswell says.
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